Literature Synthesis Paper-Case study Case Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2250 words

Literature Synthesis Paper- - Case Study Example Example 1 is the most common word order in German; it is a declarative sentence and has only one main clause (Weyerts, Penke, Munte, Heinze & Clahsen 216). So the verb is in second position in a sentence that is complete and can stand alone; in other words in an independent clause. Weyerts, Penke, Munte, Heinze & Clahsen claim that â€Å" it is always a finite verb or auxiliary that appears in second position, and it only appears there in main clauses† (216). In sentence 3, the first or main clause follows the subject-verb-object order but because the second clause cannot stand alone and is dependent on the main clause the word order changes to subject-object-verb (Monaghan, Gonitzke & Chater 816). If however, the subordinate or dependent clause comes before the main or independent clause the word order is different again. For example: Sentence 4 begins with a dependent clause and because this subordinate clause is in first position it is considered to be the first part of the main clause and the word order is SVO. The verb in the main clause follows the verb in the subordinate clause because it is considered the second position in the sentence (Verstraete 616). The infinite verb in sentence 5 is ‘changed’ and has moved to the final position after the object but the finite verb ‘has’ stays in second position after the subject in main or independent clauses, which is different to English as can be seen in the translation. Another example to illustrate this ordering is Sentence 7 illustrates how instead of the finite verb being in second position and the infinite verb being in last position as seen in sentence 6, both verbs move and follow the object but the infinite verb precedes the finite verb (Monaghan, Gonitzke & Chater 816). Another example of this ordering is Sentence 8 includes a subject of the subordinate clause and further illustrates how the infinite verb follows the object and the finite verb follows the

Business/Industry Standards and Vocational Program Accountability :: Work Employees Employers Essays

Business/Industry Standards and Vocational Program Accountability Industry skill standards are already in place for many industries in the United States and in a number of statewide vocational education programs that serve those industries. The linkage of skill standards between industry and vocational education hinges on a competency-based approach to education and training. The effectiveness of this approach has been recognized by other countries, such as Denmark and Great Britain, that have adopted this process for establishing their industry skill standards. The National Vocational Qualifications (NVQs), developed in Great Britain, is one example of competency-based skill standards used to assess performance. This Digest looks at the motivations behind the initiation of industry standards and of national and state skill standards that would provide vocational program accountability. It examines the competency-based approach to the development of standards in relation to their effect on vocational education, drawing on reviews of the NVQs in Gre at Britain. Why Industries Set Skill Standards The gap between existing skills and desired or required skills is the basic impetus for the development of business/industry standards at all levels-local, state, and national. Many of these standards were developed over time, industry by industry, in response to competition from other industrialized nations and for the purpose of quality control. In the early 1970s, for example, automobile manufacturers were finding that graduates of automotive technology classes were lacking the skills necessary to work on cars with advanced technology systems. The public, losing faith in the quality of new car repair, were either not buying new cars or not buying cars made in the United States. Therefore, to improve worker competence, the National Institute for Automotive Service Excellence began to require that auto mechanics be certified (Fretwell and Pritz 1994). Over the years the professional associations of many industries have taken the initiative in setting skill standards. The American Institute of Certified Public Accountants, for example, has developed and implemented a national certification program through which it administers the Certified Public Accountants exam. The American Welding Society likewise administers tests for certification of workers in the welding profession. State licensing exams are used to certify workers in certain occupations as well, e.g., barber and chauffeur. On a national level, the Federal Aviation Administration has set standards for air traffic controllers, although in this case public safety is the primary force driving the action. The Need for Skill Standards in Vocational Education Most industry standards are established to improve worker competence and the products and services the workers provide.

From Relative Isolation to Global Involvement Essay

At the time of the Spanish American War the United States went from relative isolation to increased global involvement because of 1. The spirit of the American people captured by the idea of the frontier and, 2. The belief it was the duty of America to maintain peace of all nations. The consequences of this increased global involvement on American Society was 3. The clashing views of the imperialist and anti-imperialist parties. America first took a step towards greater world involvement due to 1. The effects of the frontier on the American spirit. In 1893 Fredrick Jackson Turner delivered the idea of â€Å"The Significance of the Frontier in American History,† to a gathering of historians. According to Turner, the frontier was â€Å"the line of most rapid Americanization.†1 The idea of the frontier as explained by Turner looks at the constant movement westward by the European’s who came to America. It speaks of the time from the first arrival until the time when there is no longer a frontier line, and how the nation developed as the movement westward continued. â€Å"Little by little he transforms the wilderness, but the outcome is not the old Europe, not simply the development of Germanic germs, any more than the first phenomenon was a case of reversion to the Germanic mark. The fact is, that here is a new product that is American. At first, the frontier was the Atlantic coast. It was the frontier of Europe in a very real sense. Moving westward, the frontier became more and more American.†2 As the Americans ventured westward each new move past a frontier was developed on trials of the one before it. Whereas most of the time expansion would be met by other people whom have conquered that land, this was not the case for America, which provided it with a unique opportunity. It was then brought back to the primitive stage as each frontier was advanced upon, giving rise to new forms of government and institutions. The movement of the frontier until there no longer was a line was the main cause of Americanization as America quickly expanded and developed its own ideals apart from that of its mother nation. Americans quickly fell in love with the ideas that they had set in place and started to form imperialistic ideals that it should begin to expand its c ommercial interests elsewhere into the world. As American enjoyed continued expansion and development it was then led to greater world involvement due to 2. The belief that it was the duty of the American people to maintain peace in the world. As time progresses from the days of Washington’s presidency to the time of Theodore Roosevelt’s presidency we see an important shift in the foreign policy of the United States. In Washington’s Farewell Address he warned of the involvement in foreign affairs stating, â€Å"†¦a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter without adequate inducement or justification.†3 This was the common thought of the time and it was once again exemplified in the Monroe Doctrine d uring President Monroe’s annual message to the Congress in 1823. â€Å" In the wars of the European powers in matters relating to themselves we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our policy to do so.†4 These thoughts of remaining neutral from partaking in foreign affairs remain forefront for the most part up until 1905 when Theodore Roosevelt made a Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine. At this point in time we see the shift in American thinking that it is there duty as a nation to intervene on world affairs in a peaceful way as to promote the welfare of all. It also goes on to speak of how if other countries are not acting in a moral way that it would be the responsibility of the American people to intervene in the fashion of an international police. â€Å"Chronic wrongdoing, or an impotence which results in a general loosening of the ties of civilized society, may in America, as elsewhere, ultimately require intervention by some civilized nation, and in the Western Hemisphere the adherence of the United States to the Monroe Doctrine may force the United States, however reluctantly, in flagrant cases of such wrongdoing or impotence, to the exercise of an international police power.†5 These three important historic documents show the shifting foreign policy of America as a nation leading up to and shortly following the Spanish-American war. The consequence of this increased world involvement on the American society  was 3. The rising debate over imperialistic ideals and anti-imperialistic ideals. A major turning point in the ideals of American’s was the conquest of the Philippines. It was regrettably that McKinley was forced into war through exaggerated newspaper articles that caused much uproar in the American society and provided a final push towards the United States entering war with Spain. Following the war President McKinley was quoted as saying: â€Å"When I next realized that the Philippines had dropped into our laps I confess I did not know what to do with them†¦ And one night late it came to me this way†¦1) That we could not give them back to Spain- that would be cowardly and dishonorable; 2) that we could not turn them over to France and Germany-our commercial rivals in the Orient-that would be bad business and discreditable; 3) that we not leave them to themselves-they are unfit for self-government-and they would soon have anarchy and misrule over there worse than Spain’s wars; and 4) that there was nothing left for us to do but to take them all, and to educate the Filipinos, and uplift and civilize and Christianize them, and by God’s grace do the very best we could by them, as our fellow-men for whom Christ also died.†6 This caused much debate in the American society and while many agreed that it was the duty of the United States to do as McKinley said, others argued that this imperialistic way of acting was not at all in line with the foundations the country was built on. This was the start of the Anti-Imperialist League. The Anti-Imperialist League argued that â€Å"†¦imperialism is hostile to liberty and tends toward militarism, an evil from which it has been our glory to be free.†7 They believed that the imperialistic ideal was directly attacking the ideas that were the backbone of the nation for such a long time that it was a crime to believe in them and practice them. Although there was much debate over these topics, America continued onward with its expansion in the years to come.

Essay about A Review of the Opening Sequence of Pretty Woman

A Review of the Opening Sequence of Pretty Woman Pretty Woman is a romantic comedy, which is based on the stories of Cinderella, the Prince and the Pauper and My fair lady. The film was produced in 1990 and directed by Garry Marshall. It is set in the Hollywood hills and the rough Hollywood Boulevard. Richard Gere and Julia Roberts play the two main characters, Vivien Ward and Edward Lewis. Edward is a wealthy man who is respected and admired by others. Whereas Vivien is a lot poorer. Her only way of earning money is by her job as a prostitute in Hollywood Boulevard. In the film the music is very important. At the beginning it is set at a party. It is Edwards party so it is very posh and classy.†¦show more content†¦They are also wearing lots of expensive jewellery like gold necklaces, bracelets, rings etc. Just by looking at the people at the party you can tell straight away that they have lots of money and can afford to buy expensive clothes and jewellery for parties. When you first see Edward he is upstairs in his office away from the party. The walls in his office are just plain white with not a lot of decoration and he is wearing a plain grey suit which is quite dull and lifeless this is a signifier that he is a businessman and that he doesnt like to wear bright colourful clothes and that he prefers to stay wearing neutral colours. In contrast the first time we see Vivien we can see straight away that she lives a completely different lifestyle to Edward. The first part we see of her that we see is her underwear when she is just waking up. We dont see her face until the next shot of her when she is getting out of bed. When she gets up she puts on some jewellery but it looks very cheap and tacky, this contrasts which the type of jewellery the people at Edwards party were wearing. Once Vivien is out of bed we see what sort of clothes she wears at night when she is out on the Hollywood Boulevard. She puts on an all-in-one outfit which is a white top which is very short and very tight on her. It is attached toShow MoreRelatedEssay on Narrative Report on Vertigo1512 Words   |  7 Pagesand assumed information can make or break the interpretation of events. Opening with the title sequence that fetishizes an attractive woman’s face, and the opening rooftop chase scene where Scottie’s prior guilt, acrophobia, and vertigo are established the viewer is instantly plunged in to the depths of the protagonists’ consciousness and is allowed to experience the apparent sensation of the namesake, Vertigo. The opening scene introduces us to the person we later learn is John ‘Scottie’ FergusonRead MoreReview of the Gladiator Essay1681 Words   |  7 PagesReview of the Gladiator At start of the film the shots are close up to the Robin seating on the branch. A Robin has connotations of winter and morning, as this is the time when the Robins usually come out and bird is a symbol of freedom. We then return to the shotRead MoreComparison and Contrast Essay7914 Words   |  32 Pagesyou use this module? †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦.†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦.†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦...1 Part I. General Knowledge of Essay Structures and Content†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦2 Part II. Writing a Comparison and Contrast Essay†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦.†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦3 Part III. General Review: The Essay†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦..†¦.†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦5 Part IV. Opening Statements†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦.†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦...7 Part V. Topic Sentences with Transitional Expressions†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦.†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦...16 Part VI. Point-By-Point Comparative Format †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦..†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦..20 Part VII. Concluding Statements†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Read MoreMiss Brill5112 Words   |  21 PagesReview of European Studies December, 2009 A Stylistic Analysis of â€Å"Miss Brill† by Katherine Mansfield Shenli Song College of Foreign Languages, Zhejiang Gongshang University Office of Foreign Language College at Zhejiang Gongshang University Xia Sha City-University-Town, Hangzhou 310018, Zhejiang, China E-mail: windyforever@gmail.com Abstract Katherine Mansfield, remembered as one of the finest writers of English short stories, enjoys enduring fame and a somewhat awesome literary status withRead MoreConfucianism in Journey to the West31834 Words   |  128 PagesChanges in the Media Landscape†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦.. 10 3.1.2. The Effectiveness of the Media Reform: An Ideological Chokehold†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦ 11 3.2. Confucianism in journey to the West†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦. 12 4. Methodology†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦ 14 4.1. Textual and Visual Sequence Protocol†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦ 14 4.2. Data Selection†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦ 15 4. 3. Used Material†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦.. 16 5. Analysis†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦.. 17 5.1 Content Selection†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦.. 17 5.1.1. Omitted Content: From Evil Monkey to Read MoreStructuralism and Interpretation Ernest Hemingways Cat in Ther Ain9284 Words   |  38 Pagesbe overlooked. Roland Barthes (1975, 1977) has very fruitfully applied to the analysis of literary fictions the idea, derived from structuralist narratology, that narrative is divisible into sequences that open or close possibilities for the characters, and thus for the reader. The interest of these openings and closures may be either retrospective, contributing to the solution of some enigma proposed earlier in the text (the hermeneutic code) or prospective, making the audience wonder what willRead MorePeople recognize a difference between children and adults. What events (experiences or ceremonies) make a person an adult? Use specific reasons and examples to explain your answer.7516 Words   |  31 PagesCanada, the United States and Britain where she met other suffragettes who were fighting for the right to vote. By the time of her death in 1934, women in nearly twenty countrie s around the world had won the right to vote. New Zealand had its first woman prime minister in 1997 and ten years later, women had been elected heads of state on all five continents. N4 This article is about Ginny who sought help from a life coach to change her life style and stop smoking.In the article, Brian, Ginny’sRead MoreCoca-Cola: International Business Strategy for Globalization10128 Words   |  41 Pagesstrategies, and diversification. Within this analysis, we chose to focus on the Coca-Cola Company because they have proven successful in their international operations and are one of the most recognized brands in the world. We performed an in-depth review of how effectively or ineffectively Coca-Cola has used each of the six strategies. The paper focused on Coca-Colas operations in the United States, China, Belarus, Peru, and Morocco. The author used electronic journals from the various countriesRead MoreA Dialogue of Self and Soul11424 Words   |  46 Pages GILBERT AND SUSAN GUBAR The authors of The Madwoman in the Attic: The Woman Writer and the Nineteenth-century Literary Imagination (1979) are both distinguished feminist critics: Sandra Gilbert is a Professor at the University of California, Davis; and Susan D. Gubar a Distinguished Professor of English and Women’s Studies at Indiana University. They have also collaborated on No Man’s Land: The Place of the Woman Writer in the Twentieth Century, Sex Changes and Letters from the Front withRead MoreRecent Trends in Advertising11843 Words   |  48 Pagesother industries, the really big change, the authentic â€Å"next big thing† comes with the advent of the Internet. And believe it or not, even though the Internet has been among us for quite a significant number of years, the change is yet to come. Lets review some of the changes that will, in the coming years, turn the world of advertising completely upside down†¦ The first and fundamental change is related to the so-called â€Å"interruption marketing†, and it could be well expressed as â€Å"dont get between

Gender Norm Media And Culture - 1035 Words

Name: Po-Chin Wu RIN: 661401218 Course: STSS-1520 Sociology Date: 10/9/2015 Gender norm in media and culture Dozens of action movies are produced every year by Hollywood. Not to mention how widely most violent scenes such as guns and kills are accepted in most of them. Although most may view them only as entertainments, it is undeniable that the overexposed ideas of power and dauntless from not only the movies but our daily media had slowly changed our social norms toward gun and violent. Over 900 mass shootings, defined as having four or more fatalities in one incident by CNN, has happened in less than three years since 2013. When in fact, as TV news and newspapers intended to inform titles like â€Å"a student opened fire† or â€Å"people are shot dead in a historic black church†, almost none marked out the issue on gender or men in the titles. African-Americans, psychotics, Mexicans, and immigrants are more often to be written in contents of violence, whereas only few articles wrote about white men, who also build up a big part of our masculinity society. In the past, viole nce came from anger in specific reasons; today, violence has become a way to represent our toughness and masculinity. Not only did our popular culture lead us to a narrower idea of distinct gender behaviors, such as men to be brave and women to be sensitive, our media provides us even more contents toward normalizing what should be violent and incorrect. Our every day mass media has emerged into the most powerfulShow MoreRelatedGender as Social Arrangements1337 Words   |  5 PagesGender is defined as the social arrangements that are built to meet personal traits of being male or female and society has created roles that reflect a gender to act in a certain way in society. Rape culture is seen as normal behavior in society where genders experience violence in social institutions. Society excuses rape because society has believed that sex is an act of male domination and the acceptance of females. Society has arranged roles for males and females that have led females to experienceRead MoreSocietys Social Construction of Gender1055 Words   |  4 PagesGender is defined as the social arrangements that are built to meet personal traits of being male or female and society has created roles that reflect a gender to act in a certain way in society. Rape culture is seen as normal behavior in society where genders experience violence in s ocial institutions. Society has arranged roles to males and females that have led females to experience violence in society and is seen as a norm rather than a problem, because males need to show their masculinity toRead MoreMedia s Influence On The Media Essay1587 Words   |  7 PagesHollywood controls most entertainment media consumed by people all around the world. The messages and images portrayed in movies and television shows created by the large production companies affect all those who partake of the media they produce. Entertainment media can be uplifting and enjoyable, however, media normalizes damaging gender norms for men and women. Gender norms are rules believed to govern how the different sexes should look and act. People develop these behaviors by observingRead MoreSexuality and the development of a sexual selfhood is a development that can occur during900 Words   |  4 Pagesbehavior as human behavior was thought to be directly related to reproductive processes. 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Primitive Accumulation And Its Effect On Society - 1559 Words

Introduction Primitive accumulation is a term interpreted to various degrees by different political economists. According to Marx, primitive accumulation in communities served as an inevitable harbinger to capitalism, where it is described as a manoeuvre by which capital is accumulated by a small section of the community by deploying violence. â€Å"The capitalist system presupposes the complete separation of the labourers from all property in the means by which they can realise their labour.† Involved here is â€Å"a process that transforms, on the one hand, the social means of subsistence and of production into capital, on the other, the immediate producers into wage labourers.† This â€Å"historical process...appears as primitive, because it forms the pre-historic stage of capital...† (Capital, Volume I, Part VIII, Progress Publishers, p 668). 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What explanations are offered for the development of nationalism Free Essays

string(70) " after Cold War had come to control public life in the United States\." Introduction The roots of nationalism go back to the middle of the eighteenth century and a movement called romanticism. Affecting art, journalism, philosophy, music, and politics, romanticism was a mood or a disposition that defied rigid definition. It did indicate a revolt against rationalism and a consequent emphasis on sentiment, feeling, and imagination. We will write a custom essay sample on What explanations are offered for the development of nationalism? or any similar topic only for you Order Now The emotions of the heart, it was argued, though irrational, should be valued over and above the intellectualizations of the head. So that whereas Rene Descartes had said, â€Å"I think, therefore I am,† Jean-Jacques Rousseau proclaimed, â€Å"A thinking man is a depraved animal. † In this havoc of power and ideas, one familiar face has re-emerged: that of nationalism. For many it is as undesirable as it is unbidden and unexpected. For others its recurrence is regrettable but comes as no surprise. For still others, it symbolizes the only sure way forward after the sudden shatters created by totalitarianism in the developmental paths of so numerous societies. For all, nationalism symbolizes a stage in the evolution of humanity to ‘higher forms’ of culture, one that should be endured or embraced, but is certainly destined to pass after a few chaotic decades (Smith 1995; Brown, Micheal, 1997). None of these situations seems to accord with the chronological facts or sociological realisms of ethnicity and nationalism. Instead of treating ethnicity and nationalism as phenomenon in their own right, they persist on evaluating them by the yardstick of a liberal evolutionary scheme, overt or tacit, one that is intrinsically problematic and perceptibly irrelevant to the dynamics of nations, nationalism and ethnic conflict. For liberals and socialists dedicated to the view that humanity progresses in stages to greater units of comprehensiveness and higher values, the nation and nationalism can simply represent a halfway house to the aim of a cosmopolitan culture and a global polity. On the one hand, the nation can be applauded for superseding all those local, inscriptive ties and communities that have controlled innovation and opportunity and enchained the human spirit. Its wider horizons have brought collectively all kinds of peoples with changeable origins, religions, occupations and class backgrounds and turned them into citizens of the defensive, civic nation. Conversely, the nation today has become an obstruction to progress, seeking ineffectively to control the flow of information and the channels of mass communication, and to obstruct and control the great economic institutions–transnational companies, world banks and trade organizations and the global financial and commodities markets. Although the great forces of globalization, economic, political and cultural, have already diluted the power of the nation-state and are fast making all national boundaries and responses obsolete (Schopfin, George, 2000; Hobsbawm 1990: ch. 6). Romanticism rejected the idea of the independence of the individual and stressed identification with an external whole, with something outside of oneself. Quite normally, this outside whole took the form of nature, as marked in the works of such romanticists as Wordsworth in England; Herder, Schiller, and Goethe in Germany; and Hugo, Rousseau, and Madame de Stael in France. Frequently also, the center of one’s identification was the â€Å"folk,† the cultural group, or nation. Nationalism, in other words, was a political expression of romanticism (William Booth, 1996, p. A-1). In many ways, the major philosopher of nationalism was Rousseau, whose influence on the French Revolution has been generally recognized. Rousseau’s ideal was the small, well-knit community in which each person freely gave himself over, quite literally, to every other person. We should obey the community, Rousseau taught, because in observing the community we obey ourselves. The identity and unity of our wills produce a â€Å"General Will† that is completing, indivisible, infallible, and always for the common good. The individual’s commitment and fondness to the community and the General Will are total. French Revolution and Nationalism Following the French Revolution, nationalism spread across the continent of Europe and beyond. In a real sense, the past of nineteenth-century Europe is the history of nationalism or as a minimum this is one way of looking at it. The twentieth century saw the dispersal of nationalism throughout the world. No country has been spared; none is an exemption. â€Å"Some Euro-enthusiasts, have hinted at the prospect of transcending the state and nation by forming a wider federation and a district political identity. Yet the federalists have been continually frustrated by the continuing vivacity of the national idea†. James Mayall, 1990, 94-5 With the exclusion of two brief periods, Western nationalism has continued unabated. For about a decade after each of the two world wars, Western nationalism was in a state of decline, even of ill reputation. It was nationalism, after all, that had set in motion cataclysmic events, leading to appalling waste of human and material resources. But the decline of Western nationalism did not last long. Its renaissance after World War I was much hastened by the fascist and the Nazi movements of the 1920s and 1930s. After the Second World War, Western nationalism owed much of its vitality to the French Gaullist movement of the 1950s and the 1960s. More about this currently. The same world wars that led to the transient decline of nationalism in the West set the stage for the rise of nationalism in the East. The â€Å"new nationalism,† as it came to be called, took place, for the most part, in colonial areas; and it was in large appraise a reaction against the Western policies of imperialism and invasion. At the turn of the century, colonial nationalism (more exactly, anticolonial nationalism) was almost an unknown phenomenon. Following World War I and the disintegration of the Ottoman and the Austro-Hungarian empires, nationalism began to appear in a few countries, most notably in India. After the Second World War and the dissolution of the German, British, French, and other imperial designs, nationalism mushroomed in formerly colonial countries. Nationalism after Cold War Nationalism takes hold after the Cold war. By 1950, the philosophy of the Nationalism after Cold War had come to control public life in the United States. You read "What explanations are offered for the development of nationalism?" in category "Expository essays" It was an ideology of American nationalist globalism, in which the United States was seen to be locked in global struggle with forces of international communism, proscribed by a Soviet government intent on world invasion. That struggle was believed to intimidate fundamental American values, most particularly freedom of enterprise and freedom of religion, and the leeway of spreading those values, which were deemed collective, to the rest of the world, which longed for them. Within this ideology, almost all international problems or crises were seen as part of the overarching conflict between the United States and the USSR—between their contending ideologies and ways of life. Within this framework, a threat to â€Å"freedom† anywhere in the world was deemed a risk to the American way of life. This presented a simple, dichotomous view that seemed too many if not most Americans to elucidate the often frustrating and considerably more composite developments of the postwar world. The roots of this philosophy lay in a tradition of belief about America’s national mission and destiny, a ritual reaching back to the seventeenth century. Key elements of this ideology were in place at the end of World War II; some developed throughout the war, and others preceded it. The final pieces fell into place between 1945 and 1950. All through those years, the range of U. S. foreign policy discourse grew more and more narrow. Though, American nationalist ideology given the principal underpinning for the broad public consent that supported Cold War foreign policy. Seen through the prism of that principles, the U. S. had emerged from World War II as a completely matured great power, dedicated to comprehending freedom all through the world and prepared to usher in a new golden age in its own image. After the war, the Soviet Union became a relentless foe because it exposed this idea of the American Century. From the late forties through the late eighties, the United States waged cold war against the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics not mainly in the name of capitalism or Western civilization (neither of which would have united the American people behind the cause), but in the name of America in the name, that is, of the nation. The potency of the Nationalism ideology that appeared between 1945 and 1950—an principles that dominated U. S. public life at least until the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991—derivative largely from its nationalist appeal. Yet although the vast scholarly literature on the Cold War, American nationalism remains a little-studied element of postwar U. S. history. Indeed, as Stephen Vaughn noted practically twenty years ago in his study of democracy and nationalism in the propaganda work of the Committee on Public Information during World War I, twentieth-century American nationalism remains a subject deficiently in need of further study. (Vaughn, Stephen, 1980). Involvement of Soviet Empire Since the implosion first of the Soviet empire and then of the Soviet Union itself, nationalism has again affirmed itself as a force on the world scene, one not expected to fade away soon. The scholarly literature on nationalism is voluminous and seems to expand exponentially, mainly in the years since the earth-shaking events of 1989-91. The ideology around which the Cold War consent was forged from 1947 on consisted of three main constructs: national greatness, global accountability, and anticommunism. Anticommunism was the last leg of this ideological triad to fall into place. By illumination why the United States was having such a hard time meeting its global responsibilities while concurrently buttressing the nation’s claims to greatness, anticommunism put the entire ideology in working order. The third leg permitted the triad to stand. But the fundamental ideology was one of American nationalist globalism, not anticommunism. In itself, anticommunism was barely new to U. S. political culture in 1947. But with the Soviet Union sitting spanning Eastern and Central Europe, global anticommunism now became a defining constituent in U. S. foreign-policy ideology as signified in public discourse. The perception that the communist threat was worldwide received momentous amplification in 1949, with the â€Å"loss† of China to Mao’s army and the Soviet Union’s detonation of its first atomic device (William Claiborne, Washington Post, November 24, 1996, p. A-12). Nationalism and American Globalism The idea of the Soviet threat proved relevant precisely because it threatened the idea of the American Century. Global anticommunism fit impressively into the existing mixture of national greatness and global accountability, American nationalism and American globalism—as this mixture had already begun to function as an ideology of nationalist globalism that facilitated many Americans makes sense of their nation’s overriding place in the postwar world. Global anticommunism lent increased force to this ideological vision. The appeal of global anticommunism—and particularly the impact of the Truman Doctrine speech of March 12, 1947 should be understood in that context. In 1947 the Truman Doctrine provoked influential debate, though it clearly carried the day. In 1950 the application of that principle to Asia provoked overwhelming support. After the accent of the Truman Doctrine and the Marshall Plan in the first six months of 1947, and particularly after congressional support of the Marshall Plan in the wake of the Czech coup in February and March of 1948, the range of adequate public debate about the basic objectives of U. S. foreign policy had grown gradually more constricted. Fairly, Henry Wallace attempted to make these objectives a central question of the 1948 presidential campaign. But Wallace and the foreign-policy questions he sought to heave were painted with a red brush that left them beyond the pale of adequate public discussion. Certain basics of the civil rights and labor movements attempted to express dissent over U. S. foreign-policy initiatives in planned terms, but to do so they accepted the terms of the debate as recognized by the Truman administration’s stated global objectives. In doing so, groups like the NAACP and the UAW sought to gain both government and public support to precede their own domestic agendas. While both organized labor and African Americans achieved certain objectives as a result, their acceptance of the official objectives of U. S. foreign policy put in to the narrowing of public discourse relating to both national and international issues. In late 1948 and 1949, systematic dissidents who forthrightly opposed the fundamental foreign-policy strategy of the Truman administration, such as W. E. B. Du Bois, Paul Robeson, and Henry Wallace, found themselves more insignificant than ever. The UE and other left-wing unions that divergent the Marshall Plan were debarred from the CIO, which in effect took away their status as well thought-of American trade unions. These dissenters had stepped outside the boundaries of legitimate discourse as distinct by the established notions of national greatness, global responsibility, and anticommunism. Wallace definitely preached his own principle of national greatness and global responsibility, but his failure to recognize global anticommunism nevertheless placed him beyond the pale. The lack of fundamental public debate concerning the nature and purposes of U. S. foreign policy after 1950 given to the development of an ever more militarized foreign policy controlled by narrow ideological blinders that covered fundamental international realities. â€Å"The so-called Cold War,† in the words of Joyce and Gabriel Kolko, â€Å"was far less the altercation of the United States with Russia than America’s expansion into the entire world—a world the Soviet Union neither proscribed nor created. † (Everett Carll Ladd, 1995) The ideology of American nationalist globalism, which distinct international reality in terms of a Manichaean struggle between the U. S. -led â€Å"free world† and Soviet-controlled communist totalitarianism, served to validate the expansion of U. S. power all through the world while obfuscating the enormous complications of a world experiencing the final collapse of European colonialism. It facilitated most Americans to feel pride in being citizens of a great nation that required only to protect its own way of life and to defend â€Å"free peoples everywhere† from totalitarian aggression. The absence of debate about the fundamental assumptions of U. S. foreign policy throughout most of the Cold War era served to reify that ideological commencement. Nationalism has been a momentous theme of the post-Cold War era. Throughout the Cold War, Americans welcomed refugees from the Captive Nations. After the Cold War, refugees either escaping the terror of dictatorial rulers or wanting to stake their claim to the American Dream lost their cachet with voters (accept those fleeing Castro’s Cuba). â€Å"The arrival of the greatest number of immigrants as the wave of eastern, central, and southern European ethnics in 1901-1910 caused anti-immigrant commitment to spread† (â€Å"Immigration,† Time/CNN, All Politics, Internet, March 25, 1996). Passions ran high in vote-rich states such as California, Florida, New Jersey, Texas, Illinois, New York, and California. Throughout the 1994 midterm elections, Californians ratified Proposition 187, which banned all state spending on illegal immigrants and requisite police to report suspected illegal to the California Department of Justice and the U. S. Immigration Service. Television sets sputtered with pictures of illegal Mexicans swarming across the border as a presenter intoned, â€Å"They just keep . † (Barone and Ujifusa,1996, p. 81). As the campaign escalated, Republicans Jack Kemp and William Bennett accused the measure, claiming it was â€Å"politically unwise and essentially at odds with the best tradition and courage of our party. † (Dick Kirschten, 1995, p. 150). Regardless of their protestations, Proposition 187 won handily, 59 percent to 41 percent. But whereas whites gave it 64 percent backing, 69 percent of Hispanics disapproved–a sharp demarcation of the new â€Å"us-versus-them† politics. (J. Joseph Huthmacher, 1969) Pete Wilson, the GOP governor who made the vote initiative a cornerstone of his reelection bid, won by an almost equal vote of 55 percent to 41 percent. Two years later, Kemp realigned his immigration stance once he was chosen by Bob Dole to be the 1996 Republican vice presidential nominee. Conclusion However, the role of nationalism, and particularly the nationalist symbolism of American world power, remains a derelict factor in our understanding of the Cold War’s origins. As the Cold War itself recedes into history and the view that the Russians ongoing it and the Americans won it becomes ever more commonplace, it is more important than ever to observe the ways in which the United States contributed to the Cold War’s origins, mainly through the universalist pretensions of its political culture. The triumphalism embedded in Francis Fukuyama’s view that the end of the Cold War marked â€Å"the end of history† constitutes a new, traditionally contingent variation on the ideology that framed that conflict from the beginning. In a world growing less rather than more pliant to the dictates of U. S. policy, such ideological thinking is potentially quite precarious. Since the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the collapse of the Soviet Union two years later, the ideological basics of American nationalist globalism have been loosened but not undone. There is no longer a domineering consensus, because there is no longer a prime perception of a single, overarching threat to the United States. But most Americans are quite sure that their country won the Cold War and that they are citizens of the world’s favored nation. As the Persian Gulf War demonstrated, national enormity and global responsibility can activate a potent public consensus behind large-scale intervention without anticommunism playing a role. Until we have a more thorough debate over the nature and purposes of our nation’s foreign policy in a multifaceted rapidly changing world, we remain in danger of falling back into an ideological description of international realities. If that should happen particularly if it should happen in combination with declining U. S. global domination, domestic economic travails, and the determination of awesome U. S. military power, it could pose a grave new threat itself, both to the wellbeing of the republic and to the wellbeing of the world. References: â€Å"Immigration,† Time/CNN, All Politics, Internet, March 25, 1996. Barone and Ujifusa, â€Å"The Almanac of American Politics†, 1996, p. 81. Brown, Micheal E., Nationalism and Ethnic Conflict (MIT:1997); Dick Kirschten, â€Å"Second Thoughts,† National Journal, January 21, 1995, p. 150. Everett Carll Ladd, America at the Polls, 1994 ( Storrs, Connecticut: Roper Center for Public Opinion Research, 1995), p. 124. Hobsbawm, E.J., Nations and Nationalism since 1780 (Cambridge:1992); J. Joseph Huthmacher, Massachusetts: People and Politics, 1919-1933 ( New York: Atheneum, 1969), p. 162. Mayall, James, Nationalism and International Society (Cambridge,1990); Schopfin, George, Nations, Identity, Power: The New Politics of Europe (Hurst, 2000) Smith, A., Nations and Nationalism in a Global Era (1995) Vaughn, Stephen. Holding Fast the Inner Lines: Democracy, Nationalism, and the Committee on Public Information. Chapel Hill, N.C., 1980 William Booth, â€Å"In a Rush, New Citizens Register Their Political Interest,† Washington Post, September 26, 1996, p. A-1. William Claiborne, â€Å"Democrats Don’t Have Lock on Hispanic Vote, Latino Leaders Say,† Washington Post, November 24, 1996, p. A-12. How to cite What explanations are offered for the development of nationalism?, Essays